The
Labour Ministry introduced the Code on Wages Bill 2017 in the Lok Sabha
on August 10, with the ostensible aim of ensuring a statutory national
minimum wage and other protections to all wage workers in the country.
The Code seeks to replace the
four existing laws relating to wages – the Payment of Wages Act, 1936;
the Minimum Wages Act, 1948; the Payment of Bonus Act, 1965; and the
Equal Remuneration Act, 1976.
But the Bill is drawing strong
opposition from trade unions across the country, which point out that it
is actually diluting whatever pro-labour elements existed in the four
earlier legislations.
Newsclick looks at some of the main anti-worker components in the Wage Code Bill.
The first obvious problem is that
the Bill makes a mockery of the idea of a ‘national minimum wage’ by
providing for different national minimum wages to be fixed for different
states – instead of providing for a uniform national minimum wage for
the entire country.
This is despite the Labour
Ministry proclaiming its intention to improve the wage levels and ensure
a minimum living standard to workers by fixing a national minimum wage,
below which no state government can fix its minimum wage.
But Section 9(1) of the Bill
states that ‘different national minimum wage may be fixed for different
states or different geographical areas’.
Hence, the ‘national minimum wage’ – even as the phrase is repeatedly used – is reduced to a ‘state-level minimum wage’.
As the Centre for Indian Trade Unions (CITU) states in a document critiquing the Code on Wages Bill 2017, this makes “the whole concept of ‘National Minimum Wage’ a deceptive ploy to mislead the people.”
“Even if the difference in price
level in different states/geographical areas is taken into account, it
can well be reflected in the rates of variable dearness allowances, as
it exists now. There is no justification of making ‘national minimum’ of
the basic minimum wage different for different states,” notes CITU.
“Hence the provision of ‘national
minimum wage’ being projected by the government as an improvement in
the present Bill is rendered meaningless for the workers by the
provision of the Bill itself.”
Further, as a memo on
the Labour Code of Wages Bill 2017 by the New Trade Union Initiative
(NTUI) points out, this could lead to a “race to the bottom” among
states to lower wages.
“The underlying competitive federalism inherent in this shift of responsibility severely dilutes the
concurrent nature of ‘labour’ as outlined in Article 246, Schedule 7 of
the Constitution. This will also lead to competition between states to
lower wage standards and lead to a race to the bottom, which negatively
impacts growth owing to reduced effective demand.”
The other overriding problem is the matter of the fixation of the minimum wage.
Dr K Hemalata, president of CITU, told Newsclick, “The
government has completely ignored the formula for fixing the minimum
wage as was recommended by the 44th Indian Labour Conference (ILC) in
2012, and reiterated by the 46th ILC in 2015, which was even inaugurated
by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This formula for minimum wage was
adopted unanimously by the 15th ILC in 1957 and by the Supreme Court directions in the Raptakos and Brett case.”
Based on this
formula, the Seventh Pay Commission recommended Rs 18,000 as minimum
wage. The government accepted this for central government employees.
Trade unions are
demanding the same minimum wage of Rs 18,000 per month for all workers.
But the Wage Code Bill does not provide for that. In fact, the
government was quick to deny that it had any intention to fix a Rs 18,000 monthly minimum wage.
The country’s central trade unions have already planned a three-day dharna
from November 9 to 11 in front of the Parliament in Delhi Street, to be
followed by the indefinite country wide strike, against the anti-labour
policies of the NDA government. They are demanding the adoption of a
12-point Charter of Demands put forward by them, which includes the
issue of minimum wages.
“The formulation of minimum wage has been kept under the sole discretion of the government,” notes CITU.
“Although the
provision of Advisory Board is there both at state and central level,
the Bill does not make even the recommendation of the Advisory Board
mandatory for the state and central governments while deciding minimum
wage,” as CITU further points out.
Another concern is that the Code has removed the Schedule of Employment, which lists the industries governed by labour laws.
“Now
industry-specific wage setting is shifted to standardized minimum wages
for time and piece-work. This will likely result in minimum wage
thresholds fixed according to the wages paid to the poorest workers.
(Although the Schedule was exclusionary and needed to be inclusive, its
elimination creates a race to the bottom),” notes the NTUI memo.
And as CITU states, “Does
it mean that the minimum wages, to be decided by either state or
central government, will be the same for all industries? There is no
answer. Rather this is a ploy to empower employers to suppress the wages
in the establishments/industries in the erstwhile schedules where wage
level was higher than the others. All for ensuring ‘ease of doing
business’ in an unscrupulous manner.”
Moreover, the Code significantly weakens the Equal Remuneration Act, one of the four laws it seeks to replace.
CITU states, “The
Equal Remuneration Act has been completely diluted by restricting it to
gender discrimination only in respect of payment of wages, doing away
with other types of discrimination related to recruitment, conditions of
service such as promotion, vocational training, transfer etc.”
Similarly, NTUI says, “The entire Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 has been limited to
one section in the code, referring to as “Prohibition of discrimination
on ground of gender”. This removes all penalties and violations
contained in the principal act... The Code also reduces participation of
women in the Central Advisory Board for Minimum Wages from 50% to one
third.”
Significantly, the Code seeks to render trade unions toothless in a number of ways.
For one, the Code does away with the right of trade unions to legally access the audits of the establishment’s accounts.
“The right of the
workers or their unions to question the accuracy of the balance sheet of
the company or demand clarifications, to ascertain ‘allocable surplus’
while bargaining for bonus above the minimum level, which is available
in the present Bonus Act is totally done away with in the proposed
labour code on wages as per section 31(2) wherein it has been stated
that ‘Audited accounts of companies shall not normally be questioned’,”
notes CITU.
“It also empowers the
employers not to enclose any information contained in the balance
sheet, if they so want. This is nothing but abrogation of workers’ right
to collective bargaining in respect of bonus by the government.”
The Code also deems workers who are participating in a strike to be absent.
The Code further
restricts the functioning of trade unions and workers’ organisations as
“it limits the scope of trade union members forming independent funds
for their own welfare or other activities; removes right of trade unions
to legally access audited accounts and balance-sheets of employers and limits possibility of scrutinizing the financial claims of the employer,” states NTUI.
As for revision of
the minimum wages, the Code sets five years as the standard time for
wages to be revised, while currently five years is the maximum period
for the revision of wages.
Source : https://newsclick.in/trade-unions-reject-wage-code-bill-2017
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